原文:http://mp.weixin.qq.com/s?__biz=MzU1MDQwNTgzMg==&mid=2247491254&idx=1&sn=0f87301f7b4906a26956b663b515793b&chksm=fba04d11ccd7c40705fade8f2694a9a22e882ae6958e4868f1f5cdd0e2a62f66a1cb349cd5d2#rd
1
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2
听力|精读|翻译|词组
A country’s conscience
国之良知
英文部分选自经济学人2020072期逝者版块
Obituary: John Lewis
逝者:约翰·刘易斯
A country’s conscience
国之良知
The congressman and civil-rights activist was 80
国会议员和民权活动家,终年80岁
John Lewis had a ritual that saw him through(陪…度过) the early 1960s. After being released from jail, he would head back to wherever he was staying—usually a local family’s house—take a long shower, put on jeans and a fresh shirt, find a little restaurant where he could order a burger and a cold soda, drop a quarter in the jukebox and play Curtis Mayfield or Aretha. He would sit down and, as he wrote in his memoir, “let that music wash over me, just wash right through me. I don’t know if I’ve ever felt anything so sweet.”
60年代早期,约翰·刘易斯一直保持着一个习惯:每次出狱后,他会回到住处——一般是当地民宅——好好地洗个澡,换上牛仔裤和干净衬衫,找一家小饭馆,点上汉堡和冰苏打水,再丢25美分到点唱机里,聆听柯蒂斯·梅菲尔德或阿雷莎的音乐。就像他在回忆录中写的那样,他会坐下来,“完全沉浸其中,让音乐在我体内冲刷、涤荡。我不知道这辈子有什么能让我感到这样甜蜜。”
If it seems like the ritual of a man at the end of a hard day’s work, that is because it often was. Civil-rights activists across the south faced arrest, usually on flimsy charges such as disorderly conduct and disturbing the peace. It was all a part of what he called getting into “good trouble” for acting and speaking out against injustice. He never lost that habit. He was arrested for the 45th time in 2013, his 26th year in Congress, at a rally for immigration reform.
可以说这与普通人结束一天辛苦工作之后的生活无异,因为事实在他身上就是如此。那时美国南部的民权活动家会因很牵强的理由被捕,例如“扰乱社会治安”等,他将其称作由采取行动、公开反对不公导致的“好麻烦”。而他总是频繁被捕。2013年是他在国会任职的第26年,在一次移民改革的集会上,他第45次被捕。
注:
Good trouble:出自他2018年一条推特,原文为“Get in good trouble, necessary trouble, and help redeem the soul of America.”
https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2020/07/18/rep-john-lewis-most-memorable-quotes-get-good-trouble/5464148002/
Raised in a small house in Pike County, Alabama, without running water or electricity, he had put himself on an activist’s path early. He applied for a library card at 16. He was denied, of course—libraries, like everything else in Alabama then, were segregated—but he drafted a petition arguing that the library should open its doors to black Alabamans whose taxes helped pay for it.
他在阿拉巴马州派克县一个不通水电的小房子里长大,很早就走上了活动家的道路。他16岁去申请图书卡,不出意料,他被图书馆拒绝了——和当时阿拉巴马州的所有场所一样,图书馆也实行种族隔离——但是他起草了一份请愿书,主张图书馆应该向阿拉巴马州的黑人敞开大门,因为黑人纳的税也用于图书馆建设。
He had recently heard a sermon on the radio by a young Baptist minister from Atlanta named Martin Luther King junior, who urged listeners to concern themselves not just with God’s Kingdom, but with racial injustice here on Earth. He also wanted to be a preacher—when he was a boy, he had preached to his family’s chickens—and King was the first one he heard use the Gospel to ask how American Christians could believe in both brotherhood and segregation. King could not accept it, and neither could he. What he and King fought for was both radical, given America’s racial history, but also nothing more than an insistence that America live up to its stated ideals of liberty and justice for all.
那之后不久,约翰·刘易斯在无线电广播上听了亚特兰大一位年轻的浸信会牧师马丁·路德·金的布道他希望听众不仅要关心天国,还要关注地球上的种族不平等。刘易斯曾经也想成为一名布道者,他小时候就对着家里的鸡做过布道。路德·金是他见过的第一个用福音书质问美国基督徒的人,他质问他们怎么能一边奉行四海皆兄弟,一边实行种族隔离。这种做法,路德·金不接受,刘易斯也不接受。虽然在整个美国种族历史上,他和路德·金的斗争都很激进,但也无非是坚持美国应该遵守它所宣扬的理想——让所有人享有自由与公正。
His activism did not sit well with his parents, who were ashamed when he was jailed. They urged him to “get out of this movement, just get out of that mess.” He was not a gifted orator like King, nor was he urbane like Julian Bond—a co-founder of the Student Nonviolent Co-ordinating Committee (SNCC) and the upper-crust son of a college president whom in 1986 he defeated in the race for the Atlanta congressional seat that he would hold until he died. Small, broadly built and somewhat shy, he was a participant, a doer, an organiser. In person, he was serious and warm, committed to his views but a first-rate listener.
刘易斯的父母并不接受他的激进运动,并为他坐牢感到丢人。他们催促他“放弃种族运动,放弃那些乱七八糟的事”。刘易斯不像路德·金那样善于演讲,也不像朱利安·邦德那么练达。邦德是学生非暴力协调委员会(SNCC)的联合创始人之一,也是大学校长的儿子,家庭优渥。刘易斯在1986年亚特兰大国会席位的竞选中战胜了邦德,并且在这个位置上一直做到去世。刘易斯个矮、壮实,但有点害羞,他是参与者、行动者,也是组织者。就性格而言,他严肃又贴心,有主见但更是一流的倾听者。
Some of the better-educated members of the movement quietly teased him for his country accent. But as Kelly Miller Smith, who taught him the art of preaching at American Baptist College noted, every word from him might as well be carved in granite, and carried its own truth. His sense of purpose did not waver, even as others retreated from activism, shell-shocked by what they had seen and endured, or lost patience with the slow pace of change and the requirement that they receive blows without giving any back.
有些受过高等教育的民权运动者暗中取笑他的乡下口音。但正如刘易斯在美国浸会学院的布道艺术老师凯莉·米勒·史密斯所说,他的每一句话也可能镌刻在花岗岩碑上,每一个词都饱含真理。即使当别人被见闻和经历吓倒,从民权活动退却,或因改变缓慢以及人们要求他们承受重创却从不反击而丧失耐心时,刘易斯都不曾动摇。
But his non-violence was not soft or conciliatory; it was adamantine, confrontational. His first Freedom Ride was in 1961, a bus trip south in which black and white riders sat next to each other and used the “wrong” restrooms and water fountains, provoking beatings, sympathy and attention in order to get the federal government to enforce its ban on segregated facilities at bus and railway stations. Before they left, some of his fellow Riders wrote wills. A poor student of 21, he had nothing to leave anyone.
但是他主张的非暴力并不意味着软弱或和解,而是坚毅与对抗。1961年他第一次参加自由乘车运动,即黑人和白人在前往南方的跨州巴士上并肩而坐,故意使用“错误的”洗手间和饮水器,激起打斗,引起同情和关注,意在让联邦政府落实对汽车和火车站种族隔离的禁令。在他们出发前,一些同乘者写好了遗书。那时而他只是一个21岁的穷学生,一无所有,没什么可留给任何人。
注:
Freedom Ride:自由乘车运动,美国的民权活动家们从1961年开始乘坐跨州巴士前往种族隔离现象严重的美国南部,以检验美国最高法院针对波因顿诉弗吉尼亚案(Boynton v. Virginia)(1960)和艾琳·摩尔根诉弗吉尼亚州案(Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia)(1946)判决的落实情况。
He defied Bobby Kennedy, then the attorney-general, and Roy Wilkins, the head of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People, who urged the Riders not to continue into Mississippi. Two years later, Kennedy conceded that “the young people of SNCC have educated me.” At the March on Washington in 1963—where, at just 23, he was by far the youngest speaker, and the most strident—he vowed to “splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them back together in the image of God and democracy.”
他公然反抗时任司法部长鲍比·肯尼迪和全国有色人种协进会主席罗伊·威尔金斯,后者警告自由乘车运动参与者不要前往密西西比州。两年后,肯尼迪勉强承认“SNCC的年轻人给我上了一课”。1963年3月,23岁的他做为作为最年轻,也是最坚定的演讲者在华盛顿大游行发表演讲,誓要“让种族隔离盛行的南方支离破碎,再以上帝和民主的形象将其重塑方圆”。
The night he was nearly beaten to death leading marchers across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama—March 7th 1965—he chastised Lyndon Johnson for sending federal troops to Vietnam and Congo but not Alabama. He had been drawn to Selma in part because of the repeated assaults on C.T. Vivian—a minister and veteran activist who was to die on the same day he did—while trying to register black voters. Johnson announced the next day that he was sending troops and signed the Voting Rights Act into law five months later. But after Selma, as he wrote, “the road of non-violence had essentially run out,” and the civil-rights movement began to fracture.
1965年3月7日晚上,他带领游行者穿过阿拉巴马州塞尔玛的艾德蒙柏图斯桥时险些被打死,他谴责林登·约翰逊,责备其将联邦军队派遣至越南和刚果而不是阿拉巴马州。他去塞尔玛一方面是因为C.T.维维安(牧师、资深活动家,和约翰同一天逝世)频频受到攻击,另一方面也想借此机会登记更多黑人选举人。约翰逊总统第二天宣布他正在调遣部队,并在5个月后签署了《选举权法案》。但是在塞尔玛事件之后,正如刘易斯所写,“非暴力的道路基本上已经走不通了”,民权运动也开始瓦解。
The beloved community
至爱社区
He settled in Atlanta, where he was elected to the city council, and then to Congress. He sought votes from every constituency, blue- and white-collar, Jewish and gay. He never stopped believing in King’s Beloved Community, centred on radical love and justice, never stopped making good trouble. In 1996, almost 20 years before the Supreme Court ruled that gay-marriage bans violate the constitution, he gave a stirring speech on the House floor calling marriage “a basic human right” that should not be denied people just because they happen to be gay.
他定居在亚特兰大,先后当选为市议员和国会议员。他向各类选民拉票,无论是蓝领还是白领,犹太人还是同性恋。他对路德·金推崇的基于炽热的爱和正义的至爱社区坚信不疑,也从未停止惹好麻烦。1996年,也就是最高法院判决同性婚姻禁令违宪的近20年前,他在众议院发表了一篇激动人心的演讲,认为婚姻是“一项基本人权”,不应该因为人们恰巧是同性恋就被剥夺。
注:
King’s Beloved Community: 崇尚互爱、和解、亲如姐妹、财富共享、公平公正的社区。https://thekingcenter.org/king-philosophy/
Alone among March on Washington speakers, he lived long enough to see America elect a black president. At lunch after the inauguration in 2009, he approached the new president with a commemorative photograph and asked for an autograph. Barack Obama wrote, “Because of you, John”, and signed his name.
在当年华盛顿大游行的演讲者里,他是唯一一位在世者见证了美国黑人总统的诞生。2009年就职典礼之后的午餐上,他拿着一张具有纪念意义的照片走到新任总统身边请他签名。奥巴马写道“因为有你,约翰”,并签了名。
注:
March on Washington:1963年8月,25万人左右聚集在华盛顿林肯纪念碑前,为争取黑人的权利、平等和自由而进行的大规模的游行。
https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/march-on-washington
He spoke forcefully in favour of Donald Trump’s impeachment. His last appearance was with Muriel Bowser, the seventh African-American mayor of Washington, DC, standing on the newly painted Black Lives Matter plaza in front of the White House—a reminder of how far America had come, and how far it still has left to go.
他在演说中大力支持弹劾唐纳德·特朗普。他的最后一次露面,是和华盛顿特区第七位非裔美国市长穆里尔·鲍泽一起,他们站在白宫前的刚上漆了“黑人的命也是命”的广场,这里提醒着美国人民已跋山涉水走过的路,还有那未竟之路。
注:Black Lives Matter plaza
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Lives_Matter_Plaza
翻译组:
Ronnie,动物保护主义者
Kemay,决心练好笔译的未来口译员
Sheri,坚信可以forever young的老年人
校对组:
Fiona,口笔译小菜鸟,胡粉Lenka粉
Lee,爱骑行的妇女之友+Timberland粉
Rachel Zhang,学理工科,爱跳芭蕾,热爱文艺的非典型翻译
3
观点|评论|思考
本次感想
Vicky,少儿英语老师+笔译新人
Because of you,John
我们一直有一种迷思,这个世界是奔流向前的,未来是注定美好的,昨天有遗憾,现在不够好,但是明天!明天一定是光明的。我们似乎忽略了这样一种可能,世界其实是一条守恒的曲线,我们所有的努力无非是曲线的上下波动,可是在曲线中间,围绕着的那条不变的直线,才是世界的本质,我们的所有努力,都无济于事,不会让它更坏,但也从未使他更好。
于是,在非裔美国人12年前看着奥巴马成为美国总统,以为几十年的抗争运动终于迎来了历史性的一页,美国种族问题将会成为历史,仅仅8年后,他们就看到那个要盖高墙的川普,把手放在圣经上,宣誓要让美国再次伟大。美国是否再次伟大了起来,见仁见智,可是4年后的弗洛伊德却真实地被生生压死在了那块自由之地上。
马丁路德金的那个梦想有没有实现,甚至有没有可能实现,生活在那片土地上的非裔美国人用“Black Lives Matter”给出了自己的答案,而那段黑人运动风起云涌年代的最后一个知名斗士的告别,也为这个未竟之梦增添了一抹悲伤,仿佛一切归于原点。
2020年过于风起云涌,政治、军事、经济、疫情,每一天的新闻,放在过往的任何一年都可以荣登当年十大新闻事件之一,可是在今年,那不过只是平平无奇的一天。我们不是经过几十年的努力,马上就要迎来新时代,实现中国梦了么?怎么突然就被全世界围堵了?我们不是刚刚把孩子接回来二十几年长大成人,怎么突然孩子就要改名换姓不肯认祖归宗了?我们不是医疗腾飞,人类平均寿命不断提高,都要担心地球不够住,目标锁定火星了,怎么突然疫情全球肆虐,甚至在某些欧洲小镇据说一代人就这么永远告别了?我们不是刚刚奔向新生活,要实现全面小康了,怎么突然就要做好准备勒紧裤腰带了?
这一切一切的变化,让你不禁去思考,努力的意义是什么?浮光掠影的美好过后,谁知不是水落石出的现实残酷呢?几年的拼搏,一场疫情化为乌有,几辈的积蓄,一场洪水一贫如洗。从小被教育的人定胜天,长大才发现,原来拼尽全力胜了天之后,方知,天外有天。
所以,努力真的毫无用处么?
也不是。毕竟现在如果再说公交车上哪个区域是只有白种人才可以坐,有色人种需要回避的,是不可想象的事情,毕竟,现在没有哪个美国总统敢像威尔逊一样公然宣称支持种族隔离政策,即使那个人是川普。而经历过这段时间经济腾飞的中国人,敞开怀抱面向世界几十年的中国人,即使是再次面对围堵,勒紧裤腰带,我们面对世界的态度,面对自己的态度,也必然不再相同,即使我们仍然接触到了是翻译过的资讯筛选过的信息,可是选择如何理解和面对,也绝不再是几十年前的老路。
所以,改变世界的意义究竟是什么?世界也许真的永远不会被改变,变好变坏都是暂时的,可是在改变世界的过程中,那个敢于拼搏敢于争取的我们,那个努力变好的自己,才是一切的意义。
送给每一个还没认输的,John.
4
愿景
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